Hermeneutic and Interpretative Traditions: Mead, Mannheim, Schutz, Garfinkel, Goffman and Geertz

The third block of Unit 1 collects the thinkers who start where Weber's verstehen left off: with meaning. Hermeneutics, originally the art of interpreting texts, becomes in social science the claim that human action must be read like a text — from the inside, through the meanings actors give it. The six thinkers the syllabus names approach meaning from different angles: the self as it arises in interaction (Mead), the social location of knowledge (Mannheim), the taken-for-granted everyday world (Schutz), the methods people use to make that world orderly (Garfinkel), the staging of self in face-to-face encounters (Goffman), and culture as a web of symbols to be interpreted (Geertz).

1. G.H. Mead and the social self; Karl Mannheim and the sociology of knowledge

George Herbert Mead (1863–1931) published no book in his lifetime; Mind, Self and Society (1934) was compiled from his students' notes. For Mead the self is not given at birth but emerges through social interaction by means of significant symbols — gestures, above all language, that call out the same response in the one who makes them as in the one who receives them. The child develops a self by taking the role of the other: first imitating (preparatory stage), then playing single roles in the play stage, then in the game stage taking into account the whole organised set of roles, the generalised other. The self has two phases: the 'I', the spontaneous, creative response, and the 'me', the organised attitudes of others that the individual has internalised. Mead's student Herbert Blumer coined the term symbolic interactionism in 1937 and systematised the approach.

Karl Mannheim (1893–1947) founded the sociology of knowledge as a discipline in Ideology and Utopia (1929). All thought, outside mathematics and parts of natural science, is existentially determined (seinsverbunden) — bound to the social position of the thinker. He distinguished the particular conception of ideology (suspecting an opponent's specific claims of disguising interests) from the total conception (treating a group's whole world-view as a product of its situation). Ideology stabilises the existing order; utopia transcends it and seeks to transform it. To escape the charge of relativism he proposed relationism — knowledge is related to a standpoint without being thereby false — and located the possibility of a wider synthesis in the relatively free-floating (socially unattached) intelligentsia, a phrase he took from Alfred Weber. His essay The Problem of Generations (1928) is a founding text on generations as social, not merely biological, units.

2. Alfred Schutz's phenomenology and Harold Garfinkel's ethnomethodology

Alfred Schutz (1899–1959) joined Husserl's phenomenology to Weber's interpretive sociology in The Phenomenology of the Social World (1932). His subject is the lifeworld (Lebenswelt) — the everyday world taken for granted in the natural attitude, in which we suspend doubt that things are as they seem. People navigate it with a stock of knowledge at hand made up of typifications — typical persons, situations and courses of action — and 'recipe knowledge' that works without being questioned. Meaning is intersubjective: we assume a 'reciprocity of perspectives' with others. Schutz distinguished in-order-to motives (the future goal of an act) from because motives (the past experiences that led to it), and ranked others as consociates, contemporaries, predecessors and successors by their closeness in time and space. He influenced Berger and Luckmann's The Social Construction of Reality (1966) and, directly, Garfinkel.

Harold Garfinkel (1917–2011) coined ethnomethodology — the study of the 'folk methods' ordinary members use to produce and recognise social order — in Studies in Ethnomethodology (1967). Against Parsons, who explained order by internalised norms and so treated actors as 'judgmental dopes', Garfinkel held that order is an ongoing practical accomplishment. His breaching experiments — students behaving as lodgers in their own homes, or demanding that friends clarify every ordinary remark — exposed the background expectations that normally go unnoticed, by the outrage their violation provoked. Key ideas include indexicality (the meaning of an utterance depends on its context), reflexivity (accounts of a situation help constitute it), and the documentary method of interpretation (treating an appearance as a document of an underlying pattern, and the pattern as explaining the appearance). His case of Agnes, an intersex person 'passing' as a woman, showed that gender itself is continually accomplished.

⚠️ Ethnomethodology is not ethnography
Ethnography is a research method — long-term fieldwork describing a way of life. Ethnomethodology is a theoretical perspective about how members produce orderliness. A question offering 'ethnomethodology — participant observation of a tribe' as a correct pair is a trap.

3. Erving Goffman: dramaturgy, total institutions and stigma

WorkKey concepts
The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1956; 1959)Dramaturgy: social life as performance before an audience; impression management; the front stage where the performance is given and the back stage where performers relax and prepare; teams, props and setting.
Asylums (1961)Total institutions — asylums, prisons, barracks, monasteries — where all of life is conducted in one place under one authority; the mortification of self stripping inmates of their earlier identity.
Stigma (1963)Spoiled identity; the discredited (stigma visible) versus the discreditable (stigma concealable, so managing information becomes the task).
Interaction Ritual (1967); Frame Analysis (1974)Face-work — the ritual care with which people protect their own and others' face; frames — the schemata by which people define what is going on in a situation.
💡 The restaurant, Goffman's own example
In the dining room waiters are courteous and composed — the front stage. In the kitchen, out of the customers' sight, the same staff mock diners, taste the food and drop the polite manner — the back stage. The performance is real in its effects, which is Goffman's point: the self is not hidden behind the roles; it is produced in managing them. Role distance — displaying that one is more than the role, like a surgeon joking during an operation — is his related concept.

4. Clifford Geertz: interpretive anthropology and thick description

Geertz (1926–2006) set out a semiotic concept of culture in The Interpretation of Cultures (1973): 'Believing, with Max Weber, that man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself has spun, I take culture to be those webs, and the analysis of it to be therefore not an experimental science in search of law but an interpretive one in search of meaning.' The ethnographer's task is thick description, a phrase he borrowed from the philosopher Gilbert Ryle: a thin description records that an eyelid contracted; a thick one distinguishes a twitch from a wink, a parody of a wink and a rehearsal of a parody, by placing the act in the web of meanings that makes it intelligible. Culture is public, not locked in heads, and is read 'over the shoulders' of natives like a text.

  • Religion as a Cultural System (1966): religion is a system of symbols which acts to establish powerful, pervasive and long-lasting moods and motivations by formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and clothing them with such an aura of factuality that they seem uniquely realistic.
  • Deep Play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight: the cockfight is 'a story the Balinese tell themselves about themselves' — status hierarchy dramatised through high-stakes betting.
  • The Religion of Java (1960): three variants — abangan (peasant syncretism), santri (orthodox Islam) and priyayi (Hindu-Javanese aristocratic tradition); Agricultural Involution (1963): Javanese wet-rice agriculture absorbing ever more labour without transformation; Negara (1980): the Balinese 'theatre state', in which spectacle was the substance of power.
🧠 Six thinkers, six keywords
Mead — generalised other. Mannheim — relationism. Schutz — lifeworld and typification. Garfinkel — breaching. Goffman — front stage. Geertz — thick description. Assertion-reason items in this block usually hinge on one of these six.

Key takeaways

  • Mead's self arises through significant symbols and role-taking, from play stage to game stage and the generalised other; it has an 'I' and a 'me'. Blumer named the approach symbolic interactionism.
  • Mannheim's sociology of knowledge holds that thought is existentially determined, separates particular from total ideology and ideology from utopia, and answers relativism with relationism and the free-floating intelligentsia.
  • Schutz's lifeworld is navigated through typifications and a stock of knowledge; Garfinkel's ethnomethodology studies how members accomplish order, exposed by breaching experiments.
  • Goffman's dramaturgy (front and back stage, impression management), total institutions and stigma make the face-to-face encounter a subject of sociology.
  • Geertz treats culture as public webs of significance to be read by thick description, a term borrowed from Gilbert Ryle.

Practice questions (10)

Attempt each one before opening the answer. Every explanation names the tempting wrong option as well as the right one, because that is where marks are lost.

  1. In Mead's account, the organised attitudes of the whole community that an individual takes into account in the game stage are called:

    1. The significant other
    2. The reference group
    3. The generalised other
    4. The looking-glass self
    Show answer

    Answer: C — The generalised other

    The generalised other is Mead's term. The looking-glass self is Charles Horton Cooley's; 'significant other' was popularised later by Harry Stack Sullivan; the reference group is Merton's (building on Hyman).
  2. Who coined the term 'symbolic interactionism'?

    1. Erving Goffman
    2. Alfred Schutz
    3. Herbert Blumer
    4. G.H. Mead
    Show answer

    Answer: C — Herbert Blumer

    Blumer, Mead's student, coined the label in 1937 and set out its three premises (people act towards things on the basis of meanings; meanings arise from interaction; meanings are handled through interpretation). Mead supplied the ideas but not the name.
  3. Mannheim's solution to the charge that the sociology of knowledge leads to relativism is called:

    1. Relationism
    2. Falsificationism
    3. Reflexivity
    4. Value neutrality
    Show answer

    Answer: A — Relationism

    Relationism holds that knowledge is related to a social standpoint without thereby being invalid; relativism would say all standpoints are equally true or false. Falsificationism is Popper's criterion of science.
  4. A researcher asks students to act as polite boarders in their own family homes for fifteen minutes and records the family's angry bewilderment. This technique belongs to:

    1. Garfinkel's breaching experiments
    2. Malinowski's participant observation
    3. Geertz's thick description
    4. Goffman's dramaturgy
    Show answer

    Answer: A — Garfinkel's breaching experiments

    Breaching experiments deliberately violate taken-for-granted background expectations so that the work members do to maintain normal order becomes visible — exactly the lodger experiment reported in Studies in Ethnomethodology.
  5. Which of the following concepts are correctly attributed to Alfred Schutz? Select all that apply.

    1. Total institutions
    2. Typifications
    3. Stock of knowledge at hand
    4. In-order-to and because motives
    Show answer

    Answer: B — Typifications; C — Stock of knowledge at hand; D — In-order-to and because motives

    Typifications, the two kinds of motive and the stock of knowledge at hand are all from Schutz's phenomenology of the lifeworld. Total institutions is Goffman's concept from Asylums (1961).
  6. In Goffman's Stigma, a person whose stigma is not immediately visible, so that the problem is managing information about it, is described as:

    1. Discreditable
    2. Alienated
    3. Mortified
    4. Discredited
    Show answer

    Answer: A — Discreditable

    The discreditable person's stigma can be concealed, so the task is controlling who knows; the discredited person's stigma is already known or evident, so the task is managing tension in interaction.
  7. Assertion (A): Geertz held that the analysis of culture is an interpretive science in search of meaning. Reason (R): Geertz defined culture as the webs of significance that man himself has spun. Choose the correct option.

    1. Both A and R are true, and R is the correct explanation of A
    2. Both A and R are true, but R is not the correct explanation of A
    3. A is true, but R is false
    4. A is false, but R is true
    Show answer

    Answer: A — Both A and R are true, and R is the correct explanation of A

    Both halves come from the same sentence in The Interpretation of Cultures, and the logic runs from R to A: because culture is a web of meanings, its analysis must interpret meaning rather than search for laws.
  8. Geertz borrowed from Gilbert Ryle a two-word term for the ethnographer's task of distinguishing a wink from a twitch by placing it in its web of meanings. Write the term.

    Numerical answer — type the value.

    Show answer

    Answer: thick description

    Thick description records not just behaviour but the layered meanings — code, intention, context — that make it the act it is. Ryle introduced the wink-versus-twitch example; Geertz made it the programme of interpretive anthropology.
  9. Which of the following is NOT correctly matched?

    1. Goffman — Studies in Ethnomethodology
    2. Geertz — Negara: The Theatre State in Nineteenth-Century Bali
    3. Mannheim — Ideology and Utopia
    4. Schutz — The Phenomenology of the Social World
    Show answer

    Answer: A — Goffman — Studies in Ethnomethodology

    Studies in Ethnomethodology (1967) is Garfinkel's. Goffman's books include The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, Asylums, Stigma and Frame Analysis.
  10. Garfinkel criticised Parsonian sociology for treating actors as 'judgmental dopes'. What did he mean?

    1. That Parsons pictured actors as merely acting out internalised norms, ignoring their practical reasoning
    2. That actors are driven by economic interests they cannot see
    3. That actors make poor moral judgements
    4. That actors cannot understand sociological theory
    Show answer

    Answer: A — That Parsons pictured actors as merely acting out internalised norms, ignoring their practical reasoning

    For Garfinkel, explaining order by internalised norms left no room for the skilled, ongoing interpretive work members do; ethnomethodology puts that practical reasoning at the centre.